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One of the funniest exhibits of Prus-sianism was an order issued by King Frederick William III. against the intro-duction of modernism in the synagog and especially against preaching. The Jews ought to be grateful for this manifestation of autocratic stupidity because we owe to it Zunz's masterwork on Jewish homiletics. Zunz proved correctly that sermons or some pulpit instruction which took the place of the modern sermon were always customary in Israel. Yet, historic sincerity compels us to admit that the modern ser-mon as it developed since the beginning of the nineteenth century, was a decided departure from tradition. In order to understand the real meaning of this innovation we must go back to the latest development of old-fashioned De-rashah for which I would quote the last representatives in western lands who were contemporaries of the innovation. I select for this purpose Rabbi Meshullam Zalman Cohn, the last rabbi of the old school in Fuerth (1740-1820). In his collection of sermons published in 1811, he takes as a model another collection by Judah Rosa-nes, who lived in Constantinople in the be-ginning of the eighteenth century and whose sermons were considered the classic type of this literature. Meshullan, like his predecessor, adapts Talmudic dialect-icism, if we may term it so, to momiletics. lie would, for instance, discuss the opin-ions of various authors on the question. whether the concubines mentioned in the Bible in the stories of Abraham and David are to be considered as legal wives. He first attempts to' prove the affirmative by stating the fact that David separated from these concubines after Absalom's usurpa-tion and then again, the negative from a statement in the Talmud that he did so to make atonement for his adultery in the case of Bathseba. He would seriously present David as discussing the merits of one opinion presented by one authority in the Talmud against that of another just as his model, Rosanes, seriously presents the view that God and the angels discussed in a similar manner the merits of the opin-ions of two medieval authorties, God sid-ing with Ibn Habib while the angels de-fended the au1thority of Maimonides. One can easily understand that a cul-tured generation such as grew up at the end of the eighteenth century under the influence of the so-called Mendelssohnian movement, felt repulsed by such degen-erate dialecticism which, aside from its effect on the learned minority of a congre-gation, was entirely unintelligible to the great majority. In this way, the modern sermon which first of all adopted the lan-guage of cultured people and then pre-sented ideas of a chiefly ethical. nature, arose as a necessary evolution. Its pioneer seems to be Israel Jacobson (1768-1828), a wealthy banker and noble philanthropist, whose life was devoted to the task of rais-ing the cultural standard of his co-religion-ists. Jacobson, while not a professional rabbi, was a man of solid Jewish learning and liked to appear in the pulpit. Through his influence in various modern synagogs in whose establishment he was directly or indirectly interested, as the chapel of a school founded by him in Seesen (1810), at the services held in the parlor of his Berlin home (1815) and in the temporary synagog established during the fairs of Leipsic (1816) and finally, in the first reg-ular reform temple established in Ham-burg (1818), the sermon delivered in cor-rect German and abandoning the ideal of olden times which was mainly a learned Talmudic discourse, was introduced. Ja-cobson encouraged a number of young men to devote themselves to the preach-ing profession. There was not yet the idea that these men should take the place of the rabbi but they were rather to be teach-ers of the adult congregation and were therefore officially called preachers. The movement spread rapidly for, as was stated before, it filled an existing need. The oldest preachers whose sermons have come down to us took the German Pro-testant manner as their model. They speak of generalities, mostly of a moral nature, leaving Jewish problems usually aside and showing their opposition to the old Jewish models in such a decided manner that they hardly ever quote a rabbinic text. It took some time before the modern Jew-ish pulpit realized the idea that it had to be Jewish as well as modern. In this re-spect Adolph Jellinek occupies a promi-nent position and for a long time his ser-mons were considered a classic model of Jewish homiletics. Even now, under con-siderably changed conditions, they must still be acknowledged as a milestone in the development of modern Jewish homiletics.. For the sake of appreciating his position both the man and the situation of the con-gregation of Vienna where he occupied the pulpit for nearly forty years, have to be understood. Adolph Jellinek was born June 26, 1821, in a little village near Ungarisch Brod in Moravia as the son of a "randar". The position of such a village Jew who was usually the only Jew living in that place belongs to the much neglected eco-nomic side of Jewish history. For our pur-pose it is sufficient to present the fact that men of this kind were usually devout Jews without possessing any learning and per-haps just for this reason, actuated by the ambition to give to their children a rab-binic education. The little province of Moravia with 40,000 Jews has in the nine-teenth century furnished us two prominent Jewish scholars who were sons of such "randars"; Leopold Loew (1811-1875) and Adolph Jellinek (1821-1893) . The town of Ungarisch Brod, called among the Jews Broda, had a fairly large community as conditions are reckoned in Moravia, was always a seat of rabbinic learning. There Jellinek received his first instruction. Later he attended the Yeshibah in Pross-nitz, one of the largest Jewish congrega-tions of the province where, as was often the case, a man who held no rabbinical position devoted his life to the teaching of the Talmud. This man was Moses 'Katz Wannefried, named so for the place in Hesse from which he originally came, the last representative of these ideals in a city which for some reason was considered a home of modernism. Jellinek or, as he was then called according to the custom of the Yeshibah, Aaron Broda, distinguished him-self as a promising pupil and his master in later years when Jellinek became an au-thor and wrote a book on Kabbala shook his head at what he believed to be a ten-dency to religious eccentricity. Like many promising young men at that period when the, hope of a removal of Jewish disabil-ities depleted the Yeshibas and drove the young men to secular studies, Jellinek went to Leipsic where he entered the uni-versity and became the preacher of the then very small congregation. The city while, as stated before, not important as a Jewish community, offered to a young man an unusual opportunity because of the numerous visitors from all parts of Eu-rope who came to attend the fairs held there several times a year. So Jellinek's fame grew rapidly, and he was called as second preacher to the growing Jewish community of Vienna in 1855. The Austrian capital has an interesting history for the Jews. Leaving the older part of this history aside, though it is very tempting to review it as a specimen of Jewish misery and also Jewish vitality, we begin with the expulsion in 1670 which was the last expulsion of Jews on a large scale in western Europe. This expulsion did not last very long for, a few years later, we find already some Jews settled there on the ground of special grants is-sued by the emperor and usually based on the economic emergencies of the em-pire. These few "protected" Jews were not permitted to form a congregation. In this way the government saved its dignity, maintaining in theory the expulsion as a law while it was abandoned in fact. Not being, a community with corporate rights, the Jews of Vienna could not engage a rabbi nor maintain a synagog. Again, showing the incongruity between law and actuality, they were permitted to keep a "religious advisor" which their religion re-quired for the sake of overseeing the dietary requirements. In time, a still broader conception took place. Emperor Francis II. (1792-1835) while a narrow-miedl iand bigote eautocrat, believed i they were permitted to have a teacher of religion called by the Catholic term of "Katechet", who was also permitted to de-liver addresses ("exhortations") as the official term read, for the adults. At the same time, the influence of the jeweler, M. L. Biedermann, who by his business was well connected with the highest cir-cles of the capital and-needless to say-also knew where a little present would buy the good will of the. officials, obtained per-mission in 1826 to build a synagog. The only condition was that the front of the building must not show any design which betrayed its object. This condition, how-ever, was also incumbent upon the Pro-testants. Isaac Noah Mannheimer (1793-1865) was called as a preacher though nomi_ ally (Continued on page 30.)
Object Description
Title | The Sentinel, v.043 no. 01, 1921 |
Subject | Jews--Illinois--Chicago--Periodicals |
Description | v.43 no. 1 (July 1, 1921). The Sentinel was published weekly by the Sentinel Pub. Co. from 1911-1996. |
Publisher | Sentinel Publishing Company |
Contributors | Spertus Institute of Jewish Studies |
Date | 1921-07-01; 1920s (1920-1929) |
Format | Periodical |
Language | eng |
Coverage | United States--Illinois--Cook County--Chicago |
Rights | Made available by Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership. To request reproduction from a print copy or inquire about permissions, contact resources@spertus.edu. |
Collection Name | The Jewish Sentinel |
Contributing Institution | Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership |
Description
Title | 00430001 11 |
Transcript | One of the funniest exhibits of Prus-sianism was an order issued by King Frederick William III. against the intro-duction of modernism in the synagog and especially against preaching. The Jews ought to be grateful for this manifestation of autocratic stupidity because we owe to it Zunz's masterwork on Jewish homiletics. Zunz proved correctly that sermons or some pulpit instruction which took the place of the modern sermon were always customary in Israel. Yet, historic sincerity compels us to admit that the modern ser-mon as it developed since the beginning of the nineteenth century, was a decided departure from tradition. In order to understand the real meaning of this innovation we must go back to the latest development of old-fashioned De-rashah for which I would quote the last representatives in western lands who were contemporaries of the innovation. I select for this purpose Rabbi Meshullam Zalman Cohn, the last rabbi of the old school in Fuerth (1740-1820). In his collection of sermons published in 1811, he takes as a model another collection by Judah Rosa-nes, who lived in Constantinople in the be-ginning of the eighteenth century and whose sermons were considered the classic type of this literature. Meshullan, like his predecessor, adapts Talmudic dialect-icism, if we may term it so, to momiletics. lie would, for instance, discuss the opin-ions of various authors on the question. whether the concubines mentioned in the Bible in the stories of Abraham and David are to be considered as legal wives. He first attempts to' prove the affirmative by stating the fact that David separated from these concubines after Absalom's usurpa-tion and then again, the negative from a statement in the Talmud that he did so to make atonement for his adultery in the case of Bathseba. He would seriously present David as discussing the merits of one opinion presented by one authority in the Talmud against that of another just as his model, Rosanes, seriously presents the view that God and the angels discussed in a similar manner the merits of the opin-ions of two medieval authorties, God sid-ing with Ibn Habib while the angels de-fended the au1thority of Maimonides. One can easily understand that a cul-tured generation such as grew up at the end of the eighteenth century under the influence of the so-called Mendelssohnian movement, felt repulsed by such degen-erate dialecticism which, aside from its effect on the learned minority of a congre-gation, was entirely unintelligible to the great majority. In this way, the modern sermon which first of all adopted the lan-guage of cultured people and then pre-sented ideas of a chiefly ethical. nature, arose as a necessary evolution. Its pioneer seems to be Israel Jacobson (1768-1828), a wealthy banker and noble philanthropist, whose life was devoted to the task of rais-ing the cultural standard of his co-religion-ists. Jacobson, while not a professional rabbi, was a man of solid Jewish learning and liked to appear in the pulpit. Through his influence in various modern synagogs in whose establishment he was directly or indirectly interested, as the chapel of a school founded by him in Seesen (1810), at the services held in the parlor of his Berlin home (1815) and in the temporary synagog established during the fairs of Leipsic (1816) and finally, in the first reg-ular reform temple established in Ham-burg (1818), the sermon delivered in cor-rect German and abandoning the ideal of olden times which was mainly a learned Talmudic discourse, was introduced. Ja-cobson encouraged a number of young men to devote themselves to the preach-ing profession. There was not yet the idea that these men should take the place of the rabbi but they were rather to be teach-ers of the adult congregation and were therefore officially called preachers. The movement spread rapidly for, as was stated before, it filled an existing need. The oldest preachers whose sermons have come down to us took the German Pro-testant manner as their model. They speak of generalities, mostly of a moral nature, leaving Jewish problems usually aside and showing their opposition to the old Jewish models in such a decided manner that they hardly ever quote a rabbinic text. It took some time before the modern Jew-ish pulpit realized the idea that it had to be Jewish as well as modern. In this re-spect Adolph Jellinek occupies a promi-nent position and for a long time his ser-mons were considered a classic model of Jewish homiletics. Even now, under con-siderably changed conditions, they must still be acknowledged as a milestone in the development of modern Jewish homiletics.. For the sake of appreciating his position both the man and the situation of the con-gregation of Vienna where he occupied the pulpit for nearly forty years, have to be understood. Adolph Jellinek was born June 26, 1821, in a little village near Ungarisch Brod in Moravia as the son of a "randar". The position of such a village Jew who was usually the only Jew living in that place belongs to the much neglected eco-nomic side of Jewish history. For our pur-pose it is sufficient to present the fact that men of this kind were usually devout Jews without possessing any learning and per-haps just for this reason, actuated by the ambition to give to their children a rab-binic education. The little province of Moravia with 40,000 Jews has in the nine-teenth century furnished us two prominent Jewish scholars who were sons of such "randars"; Leopold Loew (1811-1875) and Adolph Jellinek (1821-1893) . The town of Ungarisch Brod, called among the Jews Broda, had a fairly large community as conditions are reckoned in Moravia, was always a seat of rabbinic learning. There Jellinek received his first instruction. Later he attended the Yeshibah in Pross-nitz, one of the largest Jewish congrega-tions of the province where, as was often the case, a man who held no rabbinical position devoted his life to the teaching of the Talmud. This man was Moses 'Katz Wannefried, named so for the place in Hesse from which he originally came, the last representative of these ideals in a city which for some reason was considered a home of modernism. Jellinek or, as he was then called according to the custom of the Yeshibah, Aaron Broda, distinguished him-self as a promising pupil and his master in later years when Jellinek became an au-thor and wrote a book on Kabbala shook his head at what he believed to be a ten-dency to religious eccentricity. Like many promising young men at that period when the, hope of a removal of Jewish disabil-ities depleted the Yeshibas and drove the young men to secular studies, Jellinek went to Leipsic where he entered the uni-versity and became the preacher of the then very small congregation. The city while, as stated before, not important as a Jewish community, offered to a young man an unusual opportunity because of the numerous visitors from all parts of Eu-rope who came to attend the fairs held there several times a year. So Jellinek's fame grew rapidly, and he was called as second preacher to the growing Jewish community of Vienna in 1855. The Austrian capital has an interesting history for the Jews. Leaving the older part of this history aside, though it is very tempting to review it as a specimen of Jewish misery and also Jewish vitality, we begin with the expulsion in 1670 which was the last expulsion of Jews on a large scale in western Europe. This expulsion did not last very long for, a few years later, we find already some Jews settled there on the ground of special grants is-sued by the emperor and usually based on the economic emergencies of the em-pire. These few "protected" Jews were not permitted to form a congregation. In this way the government saved its dignity, maintaining in theory the expulsion as a law while it was abandoned in fact. Not being, a community with corporate rights, the Jews of Vienna could not engage a rabbi nor maintain a synagog. Again, showing the incongruity between law and actuality, they were permitted to keep a "religious advisor" which their religion re-quired for the sake of overseeing the dietary requirements. In time, a still broader conception took place. Emperor Francis II. (1792-1835) while a narrow-miedl iand bigote eautocrat, believed i they were permitted to have a teacher of religion called by the Catholic term of "Katechet", who was also permitted to de-liver addresses ("exhortations") as the official term read, for the adults. At the same time, the influence of the jeweler, M. L. Biedermann, who by his business was well connected with the highest cir-cles of the capital and-needless to say-also knew where a little present would buy the good will of the. officials, obtained per-mission in 1826 to build a synagog. The only condition was that the front of the building must not show any design which betrayed its object. This condition, how-ever, was also incumbent upon the Pro-testants. Isaac Noah Mannheimer (1793-1865) was called as a preacher though nomi_ ally (Continued on page 30.) |
Collection Name | The Jewish Sentinel |
Contributing Institution | Spertus Institute for Jewish Learning and Leadership |